Essay on Corruption in Public Life in English

Here you can find Essay, Speech, Paragraph on Corruption in Public Life in English language for 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 or UPSC, PCS Banking and other competitive exams. – Essay in 250, 1200 & 3200 words

TOPICS COVER : CORRUPTION IN PUBLIC LIFE – 3200 Words

1. Corruption in public life bothers everyone.
2. Meaning of corruption in public life.
3. Not a new phenomenon.
4. Standards of morality have consistently gone down in politics, bureaucracy, and law enforcement.
5. Every field imbued with corrupt practices.
6. Causes of corruption and their possible remedies.

If two or more persons meet and start talking about t present society of India, they soon come to the conclusion that every system, every institution of India infested with corruption. Corruption has become so common in public life that people can now hardly think public life without linking it with corruption.

But what does corruption actually mean? Corruption means perversion of morality, integrity, character or du out of mercenary motives (e.g., bribery) without regard honour, right or justice. In public life, a corrupt person one who bestows undue favour on someone with who he has monetary or other interests (e.g., nepotism). Simultaneously, those who genuinely deserve those things as the right remain deprived.

Corruption in public life is not a modern phenomeno It was prevalent in the political and civic life of eve Maurya period as has been discussed by Chanakya in th Arthashastra. Similarly, during the later Mughal perio when debauchery was perhaps at its peak and when the so-called mighty Mughal rule did not extend beyond eve the boundaries of the then Delhi, some of the successors of the Great Mughals such as Mohammad `Rangeela’ the selves indulged in all sorts of corruption that include taking bribes and giving bribes to the powerful nobles t seek their armed support against their enemies. Corruption reached new heights during the British period. The Britis officers posted in India on the whole were corrupt. But even more corrupt than them were their Indian agents, such as the notorious `gomasthas’ who made lots of illegal money by clandestinely selling `dastaks’ to those who wished to Indulge in unfair trade practices. But it is only recently that corruption has become rampant in our public life and caught public attention. Unfortunately, people no longer protest against corrupt practices, fight injustice or express any shock when big scandals are exposed.

Most of the Indian politicians nowadays are anything but honest. Once they come to enjoy the fruits of power, they leave no stone unturned to make hay while the sun ratlines. Records show that in India, from time to time, a large number of big and small politicians are caught on the wrong foot: while some are found guilty of making unlawful money through dubious means, other corrupt politicians are l000nd giving lucrative government contracts to those un­deserving people and parties who fulfill their greed for money and other worldly desires. Incidentally, in some of the instances, when even after cases are filed in courts against these corrupt ministers and politicians, they con­tinue to firmly remain in seats of power. Surprisingly, the common citizens do not punish them by not returning them to power the next time. They instead continue to vote for those very politicians ignoring their stained record of blatantly misusing and virtually looting the Indian taxpayer’s hard-earned money.

Corruption is not a uniquely Indian phenomenon; it to witnessed all over the world in nations such as USA, Japan, and Italy among others. In India, like elsewhere, various types of corruption are to be found. Besides bribery, nepotism, theft and wastage of public money, dereliction of duty is also form of corruption commonly found in the Indian scenario. As a matter of fact, from the time one is born in a hospital to the time one eventually dies in old age various shades of corruption in one form or the other develop one. Favoritism, one of the most widely practiced form of corruption in India, exists in practically every field; it ignores the suitability of worthy candidates for appro­priate jobs in favour of less deserving and less meritorious candidates. Blatant negligence is another noteworthy type of corruption. Government officials and police, not to mention doctors and even teachers, are often found neg­ligent towards the people and this tortures the ordinary citizen no end. Negligence by doctors in government hospitals and even reputed private nursing homes even leads to the death of unsuspecting patients. The situation in the police force is much worse. The Indian police force is one of the most corrupt in the entire world. For even getting routine FIRs registered one has to grease the palms of the corrupt and greedy SHOs. Educational system in India is also infested with corrupt officials and administrators who make a mockery of the sanctity of the hallowed precincts of educational institutions to make a fast buck. Without giving hefty donations, it is tough, perhaps impos­sible, to get admission in many a good educational institute in India. Even the judiciary in India, of late, has come in the grip of corrupt elements who pull out all stops to sabotage justice. It is said, rightfully so, that in India corrupt elements stalk people at all stages and in every field of life.

Various reasons are given for the existence and growth of corruption in public life.

Given the vast size and population of India and the poor economic infrastructure, most of the things required by ordinary citizens in the course of their daily lives and activities are in short supply. Corruption creeps in to jump a long queue, get a necessity in short supply, be served with minimum waste of time (time, after all, is money, as some say). In a growing environment of consumerism, almost everyone wants a little more than what he/she earns, or have legally, so, the ‘side money’ made by public servants for doing their public duty a little more quickly or to favour one person over another. Then, in a morally vitiated atmosphere, public office and service is blatantly used for illegal (or at least questionable) ends to support the claims of criminals in favour with politicians.

In the Indian scenario, corrupt practices in the insti­tution of election are a prime source of corruption, with political parties at the root of the evil. It captures the power structure by corrupt means and perpetuates it down the line, engulfing law enforcing agencies in the process as well.

Economic forces too lead to corruption. Given the present rate of inflation the ordinary Indian—the fixed salaried man—finds it quite impossible to maintain his family with his submarginal income and save a bit. Those who earn enough to meet a minimum standard of life and have some to spare are drawn towards items of consumerist living and constantly find incomes inadequate. Corruption again is an attractive proposition.

Again, anyone interested in real estate will first have to deal with a seller who is averse to showing the correct price on the document, to avoid capital gains tax. To avoid unreasonably high stamp duties and registration charges, even otherwise honest people are tempted to show smaller sums for a deed. There are hundreds of instances of laws and rates inducing corruption.

Dr Upendra Baxi says, “The criminogeneity of corrup­tion may entail more than bribery offences between the giver and the receiver and may spill further to the ‘mis­appropriation” of bribes, distortions in markets of corrup­tion, intimidation and outright violence to remedy unjust enrichment or for rendering of promised services and even possibilities of counter-intimidation and violence”.

Taxes are another provocation and the law should balance between individual income and expenditure. Stan­dard expenditures incurred by the common people living in cities and towns should be deemed to be the fair basis lot imposition of direct taxes.

The Sociological School of Jurisprudence suggests that people in a given society must have an interest in the production system, be it private or public enterprise. Society must also control the price level of all production. There­fore, proper legislation is necessary to fix prices of goods to be consumed by a given society. This may be done by the application of the Social Control theory, which is not opposed tc free market economy.

Free market economy does not grant freedom to exploit. Any person may be entitied to participate in the production system of a country but production or post-production processes must establish a harmonious relation between the profits and the social policy and reality.

One major cause of corruption among politicians and bureaucrats in many countries has been the vast discretion­ary powers vested in them, especially in relation to the economy. With the launch of the economic reforms process in India since 1991, there has been a drastic contraction in these discretionary powers. However, there are still some key areas where discretion is temptingly left with politi­cians. Although these areas of discretion may get gradually reduced, there will always be some regulatory powers left with the government.

The remedy is to limit the role of the ministers evolve policies and leave the application of policies to individual cases in the hands of an independent commission/authority, in each such area of public interest. Each such commission/ authority, may be a statutory body whose members are appointed by the cabinet on the basis of their professional credentials for a fixed tenure. Conditions of service similar to these for judges and other constitutional officers may be evolved to ensure independence. If the decision of these commissions are not under the purview of ministers but only challengeable in courts, one source of corruption may be eliminated. Besides, it would be advantageous for the economy as a whole, as these commissions would give professional and objective decisions, and the whole process would be transparent.

A major cause of corruption is election expenses which have led to the most blatant hypocrisy among all parties, especially since 1969 when Indira Gandhi banned company donations to political parties. Our parliamentary constitu­encies are by far the largest in the world, which entail high election expenses. Our transport and communication sys­tems too are far less advanced, With no local radio or TV stations, and our voters are less educated. So, to fight an election in such a constituency requires immense resources for direct or indirect personal contacts and appearances. Upto a crore of rupees per candidate is required to meet the election expenses. This money has to be collected mostly from business houses and traders.

The greed of politicians is matched by the willingness of unscrupulous businessmen who have mastered the art of building up very successful business empires by paying the appropriate political masters. It is not an exaggeration to say that a majority of Indian business empires have been built on the basis of corruption to exploit the licence-permit­quota Raj which existed till 1992. Because of such implied obligations many honest persons do not want to stand for elections. They know that they cannot afford to discharge t heir obligations.

The best solution would be for the government to fund election expenses for candidates put up by parties which have a qualifying record of votes in Parliament. Apart from reducing corruption, government funding of elections will enable honest and decent people to enter politics.

It has been pointed out that mega scams exemplify a omplete break of the social contract between the citizens and their representatives (who are supposed to safeguard he former’s interests) in democratic India. And this occurs despite constitutional and legal constraints. There appears iii be an institutional atrophy and anarchy afflicting the ountry’s political and administrative machineries.

It has been suggested that privatisation is the only and the obvious solution to these enormous public deficiencies. Indeed, one might first think that since businesses are run ‘efficiently’ and since efficiency and accountability are most certainly desirable in many fields of public activities, public services should be put in the hands of business people. However, there is no compelling evidence to claim that all

business and professional firms are, by definition, efficient. Indeed, several financial scandals in the private sector are a depressing reminder that they are not.

More importantly as Adam Smith (who is frequently cited but rarely read) long ago suggested. the market does not spontaneously emerge; rather, it has to be established  and maintained by the state and its administrative machinery. In other words, without the appropriate political institutions, no market economy or market reform of any significance is possible.

But is it not the same opportunist politicians and their rent-seeking bureaucratic agents who flout contractual clauses with utter contempt for rules and regulations, and are also in charge of carrying out market reforms? Under the circumstances, it is difficult to escape the thought that privatisation will be a means by which these corrupt public figures will gift public resources to their friends, relatives and clients. A study of economic reforms, therefore, cannot exclude an analysis of political restructuring and reform. Indeed, an understanding of the persistence of dysfunctional and corrupt political institutions with an attendant quest for socially beneficial institutional changes is a prerequisite for the market to succeed.

In order to get the political institutions right and to remedy the inefficiencies that mark the bureaucracy, we cannot rely on the market alone, because the present institutional failure is ascribable not to the absence of market discipline per se but to the absence or the abrogation of the disciplining force of democracy. For liberalisation is not just a matter of delicensing: it envisages empowering citizens by replacing, government diktat by competition within a set of fair rules.

Clearly, constitutional and legal checks and balances, though essential, are not sufficient forms of protection against corruption and bribery. In fact, the actual function­ing, of political institutions cannot be read off from the Constitution. To ascertain the effective institutional frame­work, we have to examine instead the overall health of democracy in general and the local structure of governance in particular.

Ultimately, it is the agency of the citizens expressed in the form of pressure from below, that can provide the added safeguards required to deter public officials from seizing public assets for private gains. The grassroots-up approach is likely to illuminate our understanding of the direction in which remedial measures are to be sought, such that the lofty promises of the people in power are translated into credible commitments.

The local-level community organisations which can function as effective accountability mechanisms include citizens’ watch-dog committees, the office of local ombuds­man and the Panchayati Raj institutions, among others. The activities of such local democratic units, working with, as well as putting pressure on the local bureaucracy, can help limit the abuse of executive and administrative power.

A certain sense of hopelessness develops when one considers the poverty of our masses. People who are struggling for survival, do not always exercise political rights and consequently the politicians who fail to keep their promises are not necessarily thrown out of office. To be sure, rights mean little unless supplemented by a minimum of economic wherewithal and security. It also bears remark that in situations of entrenched inequalities of income, gendei and caste (which prevail in many parts of the country), local organisations tend to get captured by the powerful and the wealthy. In such conditions of extreme inequality, the local political structure may suffer from the same institutional failures which afflict the supra-local bodies and thus block the rearrangement of institutions in ways that are conducive to overall development.

So, is there nothing to be done? Positive action, however, is possible: greater public activism and participation at the local level, mobilised through public-regarding community and voluntary organisations, local bodies and political parties, will hopefully work to reduce inequality and thus enhance the economic security of the masses; reduced inequality, in its turn, will ensure the fuller exercise of political rights on the part of citizens forcing the delinquent public functionaries to become more ac­countable and responsive to public demands. Ultimately, both efficiency and welfare purposes will be served by aligning market reforms with institutional reforms that further democratic values.

Paradoxically, therefore, we may look at the current web of theft and corruption afflicting our polity as a fertile ground for initiatives to create a new wave of democratic experiments. In a liberal democracy crooked businessmen and politicians are subject to the rule of law.

Politicians must be accountable in the years in between elections, and the law is supposed to ensure this. In fact the law is not permitted to do so because the politicians themselves control the police and prosecutions. There is now an unspoken agreement between parties that, if at all possible, elected legislators will not be prosecuted. So it is no surprise that dacoits want to become MLAs and often do. Today, home ministers at the Centre and states control the police and prosecutions. But when home ministers have become part and parcel of a criminalised political system, they cannot be expected to tackle criminality. We need a new institution independent of home ministers for the purpose. We need a constitutional amendment taking away the power of crime detection and prosecution from the politician, and giving this on independent authority:’

The police have two quite justinct functions, maintaining public order and catching criminals. The maintenance inherently a political task, and must be performed by home ministers. But crime detection (save for certain terrorist acts) should be independent of the political process-there is no reason for it to be under political control.

To an extent lower tax rates lead to higher tax revenue: as lowering tax rates reduces benefits of evading tax. However, beyond a certain limit, it is not possible to lower tax rates withcut adversely affecting the functioning of the government.

Corruption will not be reduced as long as there is a demand for illegal funds. This demand is fuelled not only by politicians requiring election funds, or by those working in the real estate field, but by social attitudes. If ostentatious spending is a mark of social status, there is always a pressure to spend more than what is possible after paying taxes.

As such, the social environment is basically respon­sible for the unchecked growth of corruption. It is a sign of corruption to sell adulterated food items and medicine, cheat in examinations, patronise smugglers to get hold of foreign goods cheaply or to finance extravagant activities, so much so that even national security may be compromised on a higher level.

In order to confine corruption to the criminal class, it is imperative that the risks, and costs, of being corupt are sharply increased. This cannot be done merely by increasing legal penalties. Corruption must generate such a substantial loss of social status that it makes any monetary gain appear insignificant. Such a loss of social status will only be possible if common people believe that those who break the rules of civil society deserve to be ostracised. This will need a society where most people, if not all, believe that the rules that prevail are fair.

A democracy will survive only if the rule of law in efficiently and justly applied, and public figures act upon a high degree of ethical principles. This is not idealistic, but a ground reawlity. Also, a democracy, unless made up of an alert, morally firm people capable of influencing public life in the right way, will degenerate into a mobocracy.

 

Short Essay on Corruption in Public Life – 250 Words

In the last two decades, the cancer of corruption has entered our society. India was always considered a scared country where great values ​​were practiced. People were honest, truthful and righteous. But with the advent of modernization, the moral standards of our people have declined. Righteousness, virtue, honesty and fair play are facts of a kitsch. In every sphere of life, opportunism has replaced moral thought. Those who still try to follow moral values ​​are blackmailed and ridiculed. Corruption is spreading rapidly in public life. Bribery is an open practice. No work is possible without bribing clerks, peons and other low-paid employees. Even high officials want something in return if someone is to do them a favor. Corruption in business has always been prevalent. Political corruption is a gift of democracy. The voters are bribed during the election. After the election, M.L.As and M.P. try to make and accumulate as much money as possible to fight in the next election. Social corruption like adulteration, underweight, adultery, etc. is spreading like fire. Then, tax evasion occurs, which corrupts all of us. Corruption is also prevalent in educational institutions. Schools and colleges, which were once considered the temples of Swaraswati, have now become the temples of Lakshmi. Even teachers and professors have become corrupt. They do not work honestly and try to make more money by taking private tuition. Thus, corruption is a prevalent cancer situation in our society today. If we have the right kind of education and punish those who do wrong, then this corruption can be eliminated.

 

Long Essay on Corruption in Public LIfe – 1200 Words

Corruption is not a modern phenomenon in public life. It was also prevalent in the political and civil life of ancient India as discussed by Kautilya in his Arthashastra.

However, corruption has become an old feature of our public life since independence. So much so that people have started considering it as a common feature. When they uncover big scandals such as the ‘Fairfax Deal’ and ‘Bofors Pay-Offs’, they do not show religious outrage against corrupt conduct, fighting injustice or fighting and shock.

Before India became independent, they were ruled by the British with the help of a small and compact body of Indian civil service bureaucrats. These officers were not fully involved in corruption, helping the British to maintain law and order and to run the administration efficiently.

Some government departments like PWD. And the police were still notorious for their corrupt practices. However, corruption was not as widespread as it is today, for less than a simple reason.

After independence, we adopted the democratic socialist form of society. In order to succeed democracy must have responsible citizens who are not only aware of their rights but also of their moral duties.

He attributes this to those who have proven records of integrity, public service and high values ​​in power. It was indeed sad when the public’s trust in their elected leaders was betrayed. It did not take long for people to realize that the confidence they had in politicians had gone wrong.

This maximum power of Lord Acton was evident from the behavior of our leaders in power. Whenever a scam is exposed, commissions of inquiry are appointed to calm public anger and anger. However, the absolute truth is never made public.

The opportunities for corruption in a developing country committed to socialist patterns are endless.

Undoubtedly, there are rules and laws governing the conduct of public servants. However, they can be twisted and interpreted according to the circumstances.

There is widespread nepotism, favoritism and manipulation at the ministerial level and among senior bureaucrats. Even a small clerk in a government office earns more power than a more successful private citizen. It is said that to get a paper to be taken to government offices, itching palms of these people have to be held.

One of the factors responsible for corruption is the conflict between civil servants and politicians. To maintain his political base and to consolidate his position in his constituency, a politician accommodates many people – chiefs, wealthy voters, influential party leaders, Members of Parliament etc. and to gain support from them Makes concessions.

On the other hand, dutiful civil servants are consistently thwarted in their attempts to follow the established rules. This is an important reason why antisocial activities cannot be effectively brought under control.

Many hoarders, smugglers, tax-thieves, business houses enjoy political support, thus weakening the hands of the authorities.

If civil servants do not succumb to political pressure, corruption can certainly be investigated. However, the government should ensure that there is no harassment of such honest officers, otherwise it may demote them.

There is a widespread belief that many of our politicians and party heads place personal and party interests above public welfare and thus endanger democratic values.

This is certainly not an exaggeration. It is not the duty of an MLA to work for big business houses and secure those concessions, licenses and contracts in hopes of getting huge donations for party funds to meet election expenses.

Businessmen are motivated by self-interest, not necessarily to donate as they approve party policies and programs. Since political parties cannot function without money, therefore, they are obliged to accept money from these business houses in exchange for some concessions.

The only way to eliminate this form of corruption is to minimize election expenses and ensure that the law is strictly enforced.

One reason for increasing corruption in such alarming proportions is that although our economy has progressed but the price level has risen to such a spectacular height that the purchasing power of the rupee has fallen drastically. This has made the life of the fixed income group very difficult.

Simultaneously, there has been a surprising increase in the number of navigators who randomly blow their black money to live in palatial homes and make the middle class feel helpless.

Many of them cannot resist the temptation to make easy money to maintain their social status and to meet the increasing demands of their families due to the overnight availability of luxury consumer goods.

While this does not justify corruption in any way, it leads us to the fact that we have forgotten our Gandhian ideals and only pay them lip service. If all our politicians had led an important life, there would have been a lot of investigation into corruption in the administration, if not completely eliminated.

Further, no amount of revision in the pay scale can satisfy the people unless an unusual increase in the prices of essential commodities is brought under control. If we want to check corruption in bureaucracy, then it is the most important need of the day.

Public indifference to rampant corrupt conduct and their growing apathy to the virtual breakdown of law and order only encourage anti-social activities. Instead of mobilizing ourselves to fight corruption, black marketing, artificial scarcity, we just express helplessness and give vent to impotent rage.

It is only a joint effort of the public, administrative machinery and dutiful public servants that can help curb corrupt practices.

A vigilant administration can certainly detect the culprit. We cannot deny that the culprits are sometimes punished under public nuisance pressure, but it is equally true that many cases of corruption come under political pressure.

Today, corruption has become so widespread that there is no area of ​​national life where it does not exist. Large sums of money allocated for development programs, community projects, tribal welfare, etc. are misrepresented by corrupt officials and never reach the real beneficiaries. Corruption has also invaded the educational sector.

Capitation fees are demanded in large amounts, with eligible students being denied entry to accommodate less qualified candidates who have political support. It is inconceivable that so much tax evasion, accumulation of black money, smuggling, hoarding, black marketing etc. should be stopped and should not remain without the protection of the authorities.

If we are serious about erasing corruption from the ground level, then the entire machinery has to be reformed. Here, the role of our educational institutions in developing moral values ​​among the youth of tomorrow cannot be underestimated. There is a need for moral revival of our people, leaders and administrators.

To lead a successful crusade against corruption in public life, both the government and the opposition must work in a spirit of cooperation and not try to drive political capital out of corrupt scandals.

Opposition has an important role in democracy. It should be responsible and should not always bow before the government to discredit it.

Our democratic system is bound to be badly hurt if people in power do not rise to the occasion and face the truth with courage, foresight and patience. If a serious effort is made to live the Gandhian code of ethics, then only we can hope to make the nation strong.